Just Price Analysis

Over at ChronicleMagazine.Org, Scott Richert has wondered what I’d make of the just price theory that developed out of Scholasticism and how I’d compare it to my own views.

The concept of a just price has varied considerably over the course of time, and so for me to interact with it, I need a definition to work from. Fortunately, Mr. Richert has provided one. In the combox over yonder, he endorses the following as a good working definition of the just price concept:

all commodities [in the Middle Ages] had a certain value which common estimation could
determine and which accidental circumstances, such as scarcity or the
special needs of the buyer or seller, could not substantially change.

Mr. Richert takes this definition from Fr. Edward Cahill’s book Framework of a Christian State, which was first published in the 1930s. In order to understand the above passage in the sense that Fr. Cahill wrote it (and, I assume, the sense in which Mr. Richert means it), one needs to see it with a bit of context. Here is the full quote as given by Mr. Richert (emphasis in original):

The doctrine of the Just Price and the whole mediaeval attitude towards
trading profits imply a fundamental contrast between the Catholic
economic outlook and the one that prevails in modern times. Although it
may be difficult to determine with exactness the intrinsic value of a
commodity or the just price at which it might be sold, it was
universally admitted that all commodities had a certain value which
common estimation could determine and which accidental circumstances, such as scarcity or the special needs of the buyer or seller,
could not substantially change. Competition was thus confined within
the limits of natural equity, and the unjust activities of the
financier, the middle-man and the trader were kept in check [p. 45].

This brings out an important element that one needs to understand the just price concept. Fr. Cahill alludes to the difficulties that exist if one wants to "determine with exactness the intrinsic value of a commodity or the just price at which it might be sold," which indicates that commodities have intrinsic values that are relevant to the price that may justly be charged for them.

Just before this passage, in a section Mr. Richert does not quote, Fr. Cahill is even more clear on the point:

According to medieval teaching on the other hand, the price of a commodity was supposed to be determine by objective value alone; and could not be justly influenced by the special need or ignorance of buyer or seller [p. 43].

We might try to combine these conditions to form a definition of the just price as follows:

The just price of an item is a sum of money equivalent to (a) the intrinsic value of an item (b) as determined by the common estimation of the community and which (c) is not substantially affected by accidental circumstances.

Without feedback from Mr. Richert, I can’t say if this is an accurate rephrasing of his understanding of the just price, but I have tried to make it accurate. If I’m wrong, I hope Mr. Richert will correct me.

Now here are the problems with this definition.

The first problem concerns the notion of intrinsic value. Many people, including those setting prices in the Middle Ages, tended to have a simplistic understanding of the value of an item, as if particular items had a single intrinsic value and the trick was simply to figure out what amount of money (or another commodity in the case of barter) corresponded to that value. Thus the intrinsic value of a hammer might be represented by ten coins, while the intrinsic value of a loaf of bread might be represented by three coins.

A key problem (though far from the only one) in establishing what the value of an item might be is the fact that the value of an item depends on the use to which it will be put. If you are trying to drive a nail then, all things being equal, a hammer will be much more useful for that purpose than a loaf of bread. On the other hand, if you’re trying to drive away your hunger pains then, all things being equal, a loaf of bread will be of much more use than a hammer.

This fact will become very important below.

The second criterion of the just price definition we gave is that the price of a good be set based on the intrinsic value of an item as determined by the common estimation of the commuity.

In principle, I don’t have a problem with this. The community that will use a set of goods knows better than anyone else how valuable those goods will be to it. The question is: How does the community arrive at its esimation of value?

If it arrives at it through individual economic transactions in which the law of supply and demand is allowed to act in the absence of price controls and if from these transactions a typical price for a commodity emerges, fine. In that case the just price of an item is identical to the concept of the natural price point of an item.

But this is not how the concept functioned in the Middle Ages.

Though it was always hard to figure out the exact price that should
be charged for an item, the community through some mechanism agreed on
a price which was then regarded as the just price irrespective of
circumstances, so that you couldn’t charge substantially more for
hammers or loaves of bread if they were suddenly in short supply. When merchants
tried to charge more, angry customers would appeal to the local ruler
to impose price caps on what merchants could charge.

Sound familiar? Those are what we’d today call anti-price gouging laws.

Conversely, when commodities were in abundant supply, customers would not complain that some merchants were charing less for
them. Instead, other merchants would complain, and guilds would
impose minimum prices that could be charged by its members.

Sound familiar, again? This form of collusion between businesses is now known as price-fixing, and in the United States it is a felony.

The medieval just price system thus involved price controls imposed by the state and price-fixing on the part of businesses.These aspects of the medieval system are not mentioned by Mr. Richert, but Fr. Cahill is explicit about them, writing:

In
the case of most commodities, the Just Price was usually fixed by the
guilds or by the municipality, or even by the State [p. 44].

(Warning to those who might want to look up the quotes from Fr. Cahill: Many readers will find parts of Fr. Cahill’s book extremely
offensive. For example, he repeatedly laments the influence that "the Jews" have
in various sectors of society.)

From
what I gather, Mr. Richert is not in favor of price controls, but these
were a prominent part of the medieval just price system. By rejecting
them, Mr. Richert is advocating a significant departure from the just
price system as it was understood and practiced in the Middle Ages.

I am not sure, though, what Mr. Richert wants a merchant to look to in proposing prices for his goods. Mr. Richert obviously finds the concept of natural price point inadequate, so he can’t look or look solely to that. On the other hand, he doesn’t favor price controls set by the government (or, presumably, price-fixing forced on one by other guild members).

Instead, he seems to want the concept of the just price to serve as a kind of moral restraint on the prices that merchants propose. I think in order for him to successfully articulate a system in which the just price concept can be used in this way, he needs to spell out in further detail what criteria the merchant should use in proposing prices to his customers.

Presumably those criteria would involve the impact that a particular price would have on other people (e.g., it would force them to either do without a commodity or divert funds away from other commodities they also need).

This is where we hit the major problem with his articulation of the just price concept.

Quoting Fr. Cahill, Mr. Richert endorsed the notion that a just price is one "which accidental circumstances, such as scarcity or the special needs of the buyer or seller,
could not substantially change."

This is an ENORMOUS problem for one wishing to point to the impact that particular prices would have on other people as grounds for judging the prices just or unjust. The reason is that the needs of the buyer and seller directly reflect the impact that the prices will have on them. How one could could use the impact that prices will have on people without considering their needs, I simply don’t know.

Further, consider the role that scarcity or abundance has relative to people’s needs. You personally need a certian amount of food in order to survive and keep away hunger pains, and you’d no doubt pay well in order to get that amount of food. You’d also probably pay well to keep on hand a reasonable supply of food for future use. But beyond that? You wouldn’t pay nearly as well. You just don’t have much use for food beyond a certain point, and unless there’s a famine on (or coming), you don’t have any reason to stockpile it (i.e., hoard it) in large quantities.

But if a famine hits, you suddenly have a greater need for food. It’s not that you need to eat any more than you usually do. (In fact, you can probably get by eating less than normal.) It’s that there may be gaps in the supply-chain that you will need to weather, and having additional quantities of food in reserve will help you get through those periods. Buying that extra food will help minimize the impact of the new food scarcity on you.

The problem, of course, is that the famine doesn’t just affect you. It affects everybody in your area. They all have a greater need for food reserves in order to weather the famine, and they will all go out to buy the additional food.

When they get to the store the shelves will quickly be picked clean since the famine prevents them from being quickly refilled.

Or at least that is what will happen if the merchant is following Mr. Richert’s articulation of the just price concept. Under that system, the merchant can’t "substantially change" his prices to take into account the scarcity of the food and everybody’s corresponding need for it.

In the absence of price controls, he could. He could raise his prices and that would force everyone in the community to economize: to think, "Just how much extra food do I really need? Can I even get by with eating less than I usually do?" This behavior then will restrict the amount of additional food the buy and will help keep food on the shelves (and thus available for those who really need it) until the restocking problem can be solved.

When you think about it, Mr. Richert’s understanding of the just price concept seems economically perverse:

  • The just price of an item is supposed to be its value without substantially taking into account "scarcity or the special needs of the buyer."
  • Scarcity is the opposite of abundance, and together scarcity and abundance describe the supply of a commodity.
  • The needs of the buyer, however, are what drive the demand for the commodity.

By asking for a price that reflects the value of an item apart from considerations of its scarcity or the needs of those who buy it, Mr. Richert seems to be asking merchants to charge prices that are not substantially affected by considerations of supply and demand.

That, of course, is a recipe for MASSIVE economic inefficiency.

No wonder they were so poor in the Middle Ages.

Author: Jimmy Akin

Jimmy was born in Texas, grew up nominally Protestant, but at age 20 experienced a profound conversion to Christ. Planning on becoming a Protestant seminary professor, he started an intensive study of the Bible. But the more he immersed himself in Scripture the more he found to support the Catholic faith, and in 1992 he entered the Catholic Church. His conversion story, "A Triumph and a Tragedy," is published in Surprised by Truth. Besides being an author, Jimmy is the Senior Apologist at Catholic Answers, a contributing editor to Catholic Answers Magazine, and a weekly guest on "Catholic Answers Live."

22 thoughts on “Just Price Analysis”

  1. Supply and demand is a fact of life that can’t be escaped, even in acts of charity.
    An announcement at Mass on Sunday, as well as numerous signs around town, made it plain that donations (for hurricane victims) of clothes and toys would no longer be accepted.

  2. In the industry I worked for previously, the taxicab industry, our prices were set by the local government. These prices were set to provide a “living” for the cabbies and to ensure transport availability for the poor. The goal with licensing and governmental price fixing schemes are to insure that men can make a living. The Middle Age concept was that men should compete on the value of their workmanship, not on price. (A person that made better goods would sell more goods than a person that made poor quality goods.) Getting back to taxis, fare increases have been approved across the nation in response to higher fuel costs.

  3. Now here are the problems with this definition.
    Oh boy…Jimmy’s about to lay the smackdown!
    🙂

  4. Medievalist economists remind me of alchemists. Like turning lead into gold, imagining away scarcity just doesn’t work.

  5. Free economist pruists are simply ignorant of history. Tortured logic isn’t confined to some medieval economists. Listen to a free economist explain the Great Depression, and you will hear tortured arguments. Many amateurs simply don’t know what they are talking about. Many of them will condemn Keynesian economics while demanding tax cuts. (Yes, there is an irony there.)

  6. Jimmy, I worry that your reasoning is consequentialist- that charging the natural price point is licit because it has good consequences.
    If the intent is really to ensure that all who need these things can get them, business owners in your examples could set other conditions- say, a per-person limit on groceries sold, or a 5-gallon limit on gas purchases, or refusing to rent a room to only two people when it can fit four.
    How is charging the natural price point morally different from these measures, except that it gives more profit to the business owner and excludes those in real hardship?

  7. One question: if collusion among medieval guild members is immoral or illegal price-fixing, aren’t the modern-day medical and legal professions also implicated? Their school accreditation agencies, I have been told, take into account that if too many new doctors or lawyers are minted, the income for members as a whole will decline. And so in addition to purely ethical concerns, they have economic motivations to be rather particular about approving new schools.

  8. Jimmy, my next class is waiting for me, but the Fr. Cahill book, while good on some things, is a disaster on this. It turns out, thanks to modern scholarship (I can’t believe I’m uttering those words), that the very views people like Fr. Cahill (and modern so-called scholars innocent of the literature on this issue) claim are an insult to God or a violation of natural order were precisely those held by the majority of medieval thinkers.
    There has been something of a revolution in our thinking on medieval just price since the work of Raymond de Roover, which is why we need to treat earlier work on the subject with special care. Also good on this is the very recent (1998) book by Joel Kaye, Economy and Nature in the Fourteenth Century. Kaye (who teaches at Barnard College, Columbia University) is no free-marketeer, but having spoken to him about this issue I know he shakes his head when amateurs (by which he generally means anti-market people looking for a medieval club to beat us pro-market people with) make grandiose pronouncements on this.
    As for the Great Depression point, I’m a free-marketeer who can speak quite coherently on that issue. In fact, I find all other accounts of the Depression completely unconvincing.

  9. To Kevin Jones: I agree that the legal and medical guilds (let’s call them what they are) should be condemned for the same reasons; I discuss this in my book The Church and the Market: A Catholic Defense of the Free Economy.

  10. Rather than hijack the thread with a Great Depression conversation (which I kind of invited, my apologizes), I wouldn’t mind you emailing me or Jimmy posting a thread on why the Great Depression occurred during the height of free market thought. I think it would be rather interesting, though conversing with you on it might exceed my knowledge.
    In regards to doctor and lawyer guilds (I agree with your phrasing), I think it is important to distinguish between monopolies. Guilds are a form of monopoly, but they tend to establish minimal competencies. Now, one could argue that the state could accomplish this goal through licensing, and I would agree. I think an organization of professionals is a better arbitrar of competency than the state though. (See last paragraph for the medical profession specifically.)
    The point at which guilds are differentiated from other monopolies is that they tend to benefit society. First, they require minimal standards ensuring that quality goods are provided. Second, they place a counterforce against wage reduction allowing their members to maintain a life. In other words, they encourage active income. Corporate monopolies on the other hand discourage competition (competition being defined merely as competing parties). They are established to encourage passive income (the return of assets). They do this by discourages the active income of others.
    Specific to this is the number of people going abroad to become MDs and then re-enterring the country as doctors. The standards are not near as high in these doctor mills. These same people are also the ones often in trouble with medical review boards and malpractice carriers. This is not to condemn all of them, but this is actually an issue in the medical profession.

  11. Just a little comment on the Depression: it certainly did not occur at the height of free-market thought. The American Economic Association had been all but hijacked by statist thinking coming out of Germany. Promoting “associationism,” which consisted of “voluntary” government-business partnerships, was the order of the day. (See Butler Shaffer’s book In Restraint of Trade for all the details of just how anti-market the intellectuals and even the business executives were at the time.) And in the 1920s you had so-called economists gleefully suggesting that permanent prosperity was here, that the Federal Reserve could fine-tune the economy. Well, the Federal Reserve is not a market institution! It is created and sustained by government, and it consitutes an intervention into the market for money.
    I discuss the causes of the Depression both in The Church and the Market and in this video, toward the beginning:
    http://www.mises.org/multimedia/video/Woods/Woods5.wmv
    Also audio:
    http://www.mises.org/multimedia/mp3/Woods/Woods5.mp3
    The Austrian School, for my money, has by far the best explanation for economic depressions.

  12. A different look is available here.

    How well did these “natural” full employment equilibrium-restoring forces work in the Great Depression?
    The answer is: not at all well.

    This sounds awfully like a free market economist, but I’ll let you be the judge:

    Contemplating the wreck of his country’s economy and his own political career, Herbert Hoover wrote bitterly in retrospect about those in his administration who had advised inaction during the downslide:
    The ‘leave-it-alone liquidationists’ headed by Secretary of the Treasury Mellon felt that government must keep its hands off and let the slump liquidate itself. Mr. Mellon had only one formula: ‘Liquidate labor, liquidate stocks, liquidate the farmers, liquidate real estate’.He held that even panic was not altogether a bad thing. He said: ‘It will purge the rottenness out of the system. High costs of living and high living will come down. People will work harder, live a more moral life. Values will be adjusted, and enterprising people will pick up the wrecks from less competent people’

  13. Richert-Akin Debate on Pricing and Just Price

    Man is made in the image and likeness of God; he is not Homo economicus. Where Mr. Akin and I disagree is on whether you can interpret the Church’s social teaching in light of an economic theory that celebrates the…

  14. Richert-Akin Debate on Pricing and Just Price

    Man is made in the image and likeness of God; he is not Homo economicus. Where Mr. Akin and I disagree is on whether you can interpret the Church’s social teaching in light of an economic theory that celebrates the…

  15. Tom Woods,
    I’m actually more in favor of bringing other trades to the level of legal/medical guilds than in favor of destroying the last bastions of professional organization in order to advance the anti-communion of fundamentalist capitalism.
    M.Z. Forrest,
    Humorously enough, some of the strictest economic libertarians have defended monopoly. They argue, if you own all the oil, it’s in your interest to sell as much of it as possible, so your price will actually be lower than in a competetive environment. There are of course some difficulties with this explanation, but I suspect its reasoning and/or rationalizations could be applied to guild monopolies.

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